|6478||56||Abstract|| ||0|| ||High Performance Work Systems and the Disciplined Worker Thesis: An Empirical Test|
The aim of this paper is to empirically test theoretically-derived propositions about the impact of so-called ‘high performance work systems’ (HPWS) on employee experiences of work, as a means to generate new empirical insights and build theory. Claims about the impact of HPWS on employees have tended to be polarised, with advocates claiming overwhelmingly positive outcomes and critics claiming negative effects. The growing body of empirical work on the impact of HPWS on employees has demonstrated a range of outcomes – positive (Harley et al 2007), negative (Berg and Frost 2005), mixed (Ramsay et al 2000) and non-existent (Harley 2001) – in different settings. Thus, the available evidence suggests that we should be sceptical of universal claims about the impact of HPWS. To continue to develop useful knowledge concerning contemporary developments in HRM, it is necessary to move beyond simple debates about whether HPWS practices are ‘good’ or ‘bad’ for employees and to begin to explore how particular employee outcomes emerge. Our particular concern in this paper is with the mechanisms through which HPWS appear – in some settings at least – to deliver positive employee outcomes.
Most empirical work which has demonstrated positive associations between HPWS and employee experiences has focused on psychological explanations (eg. Macky and Boxall 2007). The general argument put forward is that HPWS practices enhance employee experience of work because they meet, to some extent, innate human needs by providing intrinsic rewards (eg. inherently rewarding jobs) or increasing trust (eg. by demonstrating management commitment to employee participation). We seek to build alternative explanations by introducing insights from labour process theory (LPT) as a means to explain the apparent positive impact of HPWS on employees’ experience of work. Edwards et al’s (1998) ‘disciplined worker thesis’ provides particularly useful insights. These authors argue that within the structured antagonism which characterises the employment relationship, some work practices may be able simultaneously to meet managers’ interests in enhanced organisational performance and employees’ interests in working in orderly and predictable workplaces.
In this paper, we seek to explore this thesis as it relates to the specific case of HPWS practices. The question we seek to elucidate is: do HPWS contribute to positive experiences of work by meeting employees interests in the form of enhanced order and predictability at work? More specifically, we ask whether associations between autonomous team membership, non-Taylorist job design, performance management and training on one hand and employee commitment, satisfaction and emotional exhaustion on the other, are mediated by workplace order and predictability.
We utilise data from a 2007 survey of 1038 aged-care workers in Australia. Our statistical analysis shows that positive associations between ‘non-Taylorist’ jobs and performance management on one hand and commitment, satisfaction and (reduced) emotional exhaustion on the other are partially mediated by workplace order and predictability. This suggests that these HPWS practices have a direct effect on the experience of work but that they may also work through meeting employees’ interests. These findings provide new evidence on the apparent functioning of HPWS and provide a foundation for continued theorising about the mechanisms through which management practices have an impact on employees.
Strongly questioned in the Sixties for its ad hoc justification of the privileges acquired by the groups, the sociology of the professions knew a new breath by studying the professions from the angle of socio-histories. The reflexion on the processes of professionalization interrogates especially the systems of legitimation that encourage the collective belief according to which an occupation must be understood as a profession.
This position on the labour market grants some privileges, so it is envied by other groups. Conflicts around legitimacy would weaken the position of privileged groups and reinforce the protectionist measures already taken by the occupational classes to protect themselves against competition. In regard of this weberian question of “social closure”, the independent professionals offer a good opportunity for research insofar as women, who are very few to consider this type of career, potentially represent a sizeable labour force. Their importance as manpower and their intention to find today their place on all the professional segments of the labour market call into question the cultural assets and the organization of the independent professions, controlled until now by an organisational logic dominated by the male thought.
The historical perspective, which studies the conditions of emergence of a profession, also makes it possible to understand how social groups managed to legitimate a social selection aiming at ensuring the conservation of their distinctive value on the labour market. From this point of view, the artistic professions are quite interesting. The artistic professions evolved gradually towards intellectual professions. In this movement of intellectualization of creative activities, women who commonly practiced these professions in the Middle Ages lost their right during the XVIIth century. The middle-class thought that assigns women to the role of the “good housewife” changes her participation in the labour market and explains their exclusion from the Academies and Salon.
This historical perspective explains why men are strongly represent in these professions in the functions of experts, juries, artists, art critics, editors, producers, collectors, art merchants, historians… Since the profession is dominated by male judgement, our research will address the professional assertion of women. In particular, we will defend the position that informal obstacles prevent them from existing as artists.
This research is based on data provided by INSEE (National institute of the statistics and the economic studies) and a more specific survey of graduates of Art Schools. The quantitative analysis of the relation between education and employment will make it possible to demonstrate the effects of social closure of a field on the processes of auto-selection operating at the beginning of career. Moreover, it appears that it is more difficult for a woman to become artist-author as for a man and to integrate into an efficient social network. Our final aim is to open the reflexion on the comparison with other professions known as vocat
|artistic professions, gender, social closure, auto-selection, education||0||0||Paper|| ||accepted|| ||0||26/06/2019 01:32:06||26/06/2019 01:32:06|| || || ||2009|| || || || ||Abstract
|6481||56||Abstract|| ||0|| ||Can you Hear Us?: The Effectiveness of European Works Councils (EWCs) as a Mechanism of Employee Voice for Hungarian Workers of three Multinational Companies (MNCs) in the Printing, Chemical and Food Industries.|
The paper presents the findings of a research project analysing the effectiveness of EWCs as a mechanism of employee voice from the perspective of Hungarian workers in UK owned MNCs. In addition, it analyses the role of prevailing systems of employee voice in Hungary, such as trade unions and works councils, assessing their capacity to influence the work of the EWC. The findings focus on three case study organisations, providing a cross-sector analysis of EWCs and Hungarian employee voice in the printing, chemical and food industries.
Despite early studies charting the Polish experience of EWCs (Meardi, 2004), preliminary research in the field is limited, since research has focussed on the effectiveness of EWCs in Western Europe (Streeck, 1997, Whittall, 2000, Waddington, 2005). Communication, national stereotypes, language barriers, managerial attitudes and union involvement have all proved problematic and provoked concern over the suitability of EWCs as a means of providing worker voice (Hancke 2000, Wills 2000, Royle, 1999). In particular, Lecher et al’s (2001) typology highlights variations in the strength of EWCs, with some engaged in active employee participation in comparison to some which operate more symbolic functions. In 2004, EU enlargement prompted a new wave of employee representatives from Central and Eastern Europe. As a new EU member, Hungary’s geo-political history offers a unique example where, as the gateway to Eastern Europe, it previously operated a pseudo market economy within the Communist regime. During the transition, Hungary adopted industrial relations policies akin to the German dual model, establishing national works councils in tandem with existing and newly emerging trade unions (Neumann, 2005).
In light of these events, the study aims to capture the experiences and expectations of Hungarian workers and provide an assessment of the effectiveness of the EWC in providing worker voice. Moreover, the study assesses the relationship between the EWC and local level voice mechanisms in Hungary to establish whether these have the capacity to influence the EWC arena. Whilst t
|Voice at work, employee participation and involvement||0||0|| || ||accepted|| ||0||26/06/2019 01:32:06||26/06/2019 01:32:06|| || || ||2009|| || || || ||Abstract
|6483||56||Abstract|| ||0|| ||"No place to hide"? The realities of leadership in UK supermarkets|
This article explores the realities of managerial work in two UK supermarkets. While the prescriptive literature welcomes the displacement of bureaucratic management by rote with leadership
This study examines the ways in which schoolteachers in five Chinese schools have reacted to the 2002 government reforms of the school system (Wu 2002, Yu 2003). This paper provides a brief background to the reforms and the situation before their effective implementation in 2006; and then provides some early findings from a four month detailed study of the teachers in the schools based on intensive interviews, questionnaires to all the teachers, and relevant use of documents. The approach taken is rooted in Braverman’s analysis of control over work, and the ways in which consent is constructed and how dissent is treated (Braverman 1974, Taylor 1911, Rose 1975, Burawoy 1982)
As part of its long term economic and political strategy, the Chinese Communist Party and government had prioritised educational reform across the board as an important element in the modernisation of the entire populati
| ||0||0|| || ||accepted|| ||0||26/06/2019 01:32:06||26/06/2019 01:32:06|| || || ||2009|| || || || ||Abstract
|6490||56||Abstract|| ||0|| ||NORM SYSTEMS AND PROFESSIONAL WORK|
The aim of this paper is to provide a better understanding of formal and informal norms and their importance for the labour process, and to build a theoretical framework that includes the influence of norms in organizations.
Previous studies on work and organizational theory have recognised the importance of formal and informal norms, and their influences on behaviour in organizations. Although there are disagreements about their relative importance to work behaviour, there is agreement on their existence and that they operate in different ways. Despite the differences between formal and informal norms, and the fact that these norms contrasts each other, both systems concerns the issue of control.
Organizations try to gain control through formal, legal and organizational rules. These working rules will then regulate the labour processes and diminish workers control over them. Informal rules, on the other hand, are norms that help workers regain control, since these norms legitimize misbehaviour and resistance to formal norms in organizations. The aim of this paper is to present the formal and informal norm systems in the primary health care system, and how these norm systems influence professional work in these organizations.
The findings from a comparative intensive study of employees in four local health care enterprises within two municipals are presented. Participant observations, focus groups and individual interviews have been used to collect data about the organizations and the labor processes in primary care. Open coding, pre-coding and the use of displays have been used to analyse the qualitative data.
Analyses lead to the identification of three distinctive norm systems; the administrative norm system, the collective norm system and the professional norm system. The administrative norm system consists of legal and organizational rules. This rules define the formal framework of the professional worker. The collective norm system consists of the shared norms among workers and result in a common understanding of the labour processes and rules on how to react to organizational demands, expressed by the administrative norm system. The collective norm system is the result of the interaction among all participants within the organization. This system is therefore local and differs between the organizations in this study. The professional norm system consists of norms that result from the professional socialization process during the training of nurses. The system emphasizes a holistic approach to the receiver of professional health care.
Each norm system has a distinctive function. The administrative norm system legitimizes the relationship between the professional worker and the receiver of health care, and attempts to regulate the treatment provided by the nurses. The collective and professional norm systems on the other hand legitimize resistance, misbehaviour and even deviation from administrative norms. The study indicates that in professional nursing, administrative, collective and professional norms have a hierarchical structure with professional norms at the top and administrative norms at the bottom.
Based on a six month ethnographic analysis of a world leading, market listed, high technology organisation; this paper is a response to calls to ‘Bring Work Back In’.
The paper seeks to highlight the continued relevance and centrality of hierarchy, bureaucracy and, most importantly, work. Discussions of the enterprising, networked, boundaryless and flat organisation have attracted significant attention in recent decades. However this paper presents evidence that such trends do not represent definitive shifts in post industrial organisation structures. Workplaces have not left hierarchy and bureaucracy behind. They may function differently than before; but they most definitely persist.
The evidence suggests that the perceived need to conceptually radically redefine organisation structures is something of a misnomer. Energies would be better invested dusting off and upgrading our understanding of hierarchy and bureaucracy. For example, the paper provides evidence highlighting how hierarchal and bureaucratic processes facilitate change and speed. In the high technology, market rational environment of constant change the corporate headquarters of the subsidiary studied continuously launched strategic change initiatives with tight deadlines. The nature of the hierarchical structures meant there was no process for subsidiaries to consider or shape these initiatives. They had to simply ‘row in’ behind them regardless of the local consequences, which were often perceived as negative. Furthermore within large, stock exchange listed organisations, extensive bureaucratic procedures are demanded by legislation such as the Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002. In this context, bureaucracy was not eradicated, but bureaucratic processes had to be constantly reworked to facilitate the ongoing evolution of organisation strategy, products, services and customer requirements. What emerged could be labelled a ‘changeaucracy’.
This paper also demonstrates how the continued prominence of hierarchy and bureaucracy makes understanding the work process increasingly important. The knowledge workers studied felt so disempowered by the organisation structures that they turned to their work activities to have a voice and find meaning in their working lives. Employees increasingly viewed their approach to their work activities as the most effective tool for managing their personal range of private and professional concerns.
This paper presents two categories of knowledge work. Some roles involved elements of both but were usually weighted more in favour of one. The first is operational work. This refers to the ongoing work processes whose stages and desired outcome can be defined in detailed, often quantitative, performance metrics. Employees in such roles are required to use their knowledge to effectively carry out the tasks associated with these work processes and resolve any complexities and problems that arise along the way. The second type, Generative work, is largely change and future oriented and primarily involves working on new projects and initiatives.&n
|Knowledge Labour Process, Hierarchy, Bureaucracy||0||0||Paper|| ||accepted|| ||0||26/06/2019 01:32:06||26/06/2019 01:32:06|| || || ||2009|| || || || ||Abstract
|6493||56||Abstract|| ||0|| ||Employability and the Variety of Capitalism|
As Western advanced economies are increasingly dependent on global forces of capital and labour, it is believed that the value of education will become of greater importance for individuals and nationals alike to foster prosperity. It is likewise thought that the value of (higher) education is increasing as high skilled work have become more important in the knowledge economy and can serve global demand. Individuals are encouraged but also expected to raise their employability by investing in education. Skill formation is therefore foremost seen as an economic investment. Little attention is given to who obtains which skills or credentials and why. Little attention is likewise given to the positional conflict in the competition for skilled jobs and what individuals do to gain competitive advantage over others in the labour market.
A renewed analysis is needed. The global labour market for skilled jobs is not homogenous (made up of rational maximizing agents) but is made up of individuals who, through interaction and structural barriers and opportunities, frame their own careers and labour market and educational choices. More attention needs to be given to how individuals understand the labour market, education, career and their own lives in order to understand how this ‘global’ labour market is constituted.
This research looks how different contexts mediate different understandings of employability, careers and the skilled labour market. In this it uses a comparative perspective to illuminate how different national context relate to different individual views, strategies and framing on skills, education and the labour market.
-How do students manage their employability within higher education as they enter the labour market in Great Britain and the Netherlands?
‘You don’t need a weatherman to know which way the wind blows’: public sector reform and its impact upon climatology scientists in the UK.
‘I believe the intellectual life of the whole of western society is increasingly being split into two polar groups’, wrote CP Snow in 1959. At one pole we had literary intellectuals and at the other, scientists, ‘and as the most representative, the physical scientists’ (Snow, 1959: 4). He went on to argue that the scientific culture is a discrete culture in an anthropological sense marked by common attitudes, standards and patterns of behaviour (attitudes to religion and politics, for example). If we wind the clock on by four decades it seems curious that today, despite the widespread interest in the economics and sociology of the so-called knowledge economy and knowledge work itself, we know very little about this scientific culture today, and specifically, the labour processes and workplace-level experiences of Britain’s scientists. There has been some notable work on the sociology of production of scientific knowledge, focusing for example, on such themes as scientific expertise (Collins and Evans 2007) and the nature of tacit scientific knowledge (Collins 1974). Equally, there exists published work, most of it USA-based, that explores such questions as the job satisfaction, organisational commitment and pay of scientists using quantitative modelling techniques (Keller, 1997; Hermanowicz, 2003; Stern, 2004). But there is very little research that provides a sufficiently in-depth analysis of the contemporary work of scientists at the workplace level, the nature of their work organisation, its management and associated employment relations and how these have been re-shaped in distinctive ways by government policy.
In this paper we present analysis of the changing work experiences of a key group of UK-based physical scientists in the context of the new priorities of neo-liberal political economy, priorities that have placed a question mark against the idea of ‘science as vocation’. The analysis is based on qualitative and quantitative data collected at a Government-owned science establishment we call GovSci, a global leader in climate change research and numerical weather prediction. The case study research explores a number of major changes to organisational structure and culture that gradually took hold over the decade following government legislation requiring the introduction of a Trading Fund in 1996. As a result of these changes, GovSci had to work effectively as a business supplying cost-effective services to government but equally, seeking profit-making commercial opportunities. In 2005, senior management published a five year plan which placed much emphasis upon generating revenue though non-government business and requiring that much of the capital needed to invest in technology and infrastructure should be generated by profit derived from commercial products and services. Thus, the process of ‘modernising’ this state-owned scientific enterprise introduced a significant element of ‘marketisation’ governing work priorities and employment relations. One manifestation of this was the adoption in 2005 of key performance indicators (KPIs) which could be used for setting both customer contra
|Scientific labour; knowledge economy; public sector reform||0||0||Paper|| ||accepted|| ||0||26/06/2019 01:32:06||26/06/2019 01:32:06|| || || ||2009|| || || || ||Abstract
|6495||56||Abstract|| ||0|| ||Process as labour: Implementing Anti Oppression Practices in a Feminist Organization|
The development of obligatory internships during schooling is part of a trend toward professionalisation of qualifications. Is the work experience scheme always beneficial in terms of integrating young people into the labour market? The aim of the study is to highlight the impact of internships on the transitions between initial training and access to employment. More precisely, we analyse whether internships provide real skills for students, facilitating to access to employment then, or whether internships substitute for real recruitment of young graduates. This analysis is based on two French surveys: the “Generation 2001” Survey (CEREQ) and the “Employment Survey” (INSEE). The first section presents the characteristics of individual trainees (level of qualifications, special fields, for example) before measuring the effect of the internships on the future employment situation of young people through a microeconometric evaluation method. The second section highlights the limits of the development of internships through indicators such as the duration or the pay. The empirical analysis is based on a microeconometric evaluation method, which allows us to measure the impact of having done one or more internships on obtaining a stable job after completing education (on leaving, one year and three years later) by controlling a number of variables, such as qualification and specialty training, but also individual characteristics. It is a method of matching, which compares individuals “treated” (those who have done an internship), to a control group “not treated”. We have applied this method to correct selection bias. The evaluation shows that internships have no impact on the employability of young people in a stable job. The study reveals, on the contrary, situations where some students accumulate many internships, which last longer than one year, coupled with low pay. This study gives some evidence that internships for graduates can be a substitute for real jobs, because they enable companies to benefit from a workforce who is both skilled and low cost.
|Human Capital, Public Policy, Semiparametric and Nonparametric Methods.||0||0|| || ||accepted|| ||0||26/06/2019 01:32:06||26/06/2019 01:32:06|| || || ||2009|| || || || ||Abstract
|6499||56||Abstract|| ||0|| ||Strategies to Attract and Retain Paid Care Workers: Some Paradoxical Effects|
The consequences of increasing life expectancy and the aging population for the provision of care and for associated social care costs have been well documented in many countries. The main focus of policy debates has been on increased demands for the provision of paid care, both within the home and the community, as well as mechanisms to improve the quality of care services. In many countries strategies have been put in place to increase the numbers and skills of the care workforce in the future. However, there has been curiously little consideration of the workers who currently provide care services or indeed of the wages and conditions they receive. This paper draws on two small Australian case studies that built on Baines’ analyses of the local impacts of managerialism and lean forms of work organisation restructuring within the highly gendered context of the Canadian community services sector (see Baines 2004a, 2004b, 2006; Baines et al, 2002). The Australian case studies investigated the experiences of those managing and working in two government-funded community services agencies; one a voluntary sector agency providing accommodation and carer services to people with disabilities and the other, a local government providing in-home care for aged and frail local residents.
We focus in this paper on two mechanisms used by these agencies to attract and retain care workers in two different local markets and funding contexts. One of the mechanisms, used throughout the voluntary sector in Australia, is what is known as ‘salary-sacrificing’. This is used to increase the net value of employees’ wages by providing them with access to their pre-tax earnings for a wide range of benefits; possible because of these agencies’ charitable organisation status under Australian taxation laws. Salary-sacrificing has the effect making wages paid in voluntary agencies somewhat more competitive with those paid in the government sector. This is. The other mechanism is the use of government-subsidised traineeships targeted at the community services sector. These traineeships provide those interested in working in the sector with industry-recognised qualifications gained through the provision of institutional and on-the-job training. They also include a range of government incentives for employers including a financial contribution towards the cost of training and pay roll tax rebates. In the disability services agency the salary sacrifice arrangements are used to help the agency retain experienced workers who may move to better paid community services jobs in government. In the local government agency targeting the traineeships to younger workers, to men, and to those from local ethnic communities provided a means for increasingly the diversity of the traditionally older, female, Anglo Celtic home care workforce. The use of attraction and retention strategies in many industries typically leads to improved conditions for workers. However, the implementation of salary sacrificing and traineeships in the two agencies has had a number of negative consequences for many care workers, including a loss of inco
| ||0||0||Paper|| ||accepted|| ||0||26/06/2019 01:32:06||26/06/2019 01:32:06|| || || ||2009|| || || || ||Abstract
|6501||56||Abstract|| ||0|| ||The Organising Model of Union revitalisation in unionised workplaces: Is there room for improvement? A Case Study in two higher education establishments.|
This paper is concerned with the effectiveness or otherwise of the organising model in already unionised workplaces and more specifically in higher education support services. The context for revitalisation in universities is becoming more critical in that some unions are fighting the threat of both redundancies and derecognition. Union density in the public sector is robust at just under sixty percent compared to seventeen percent in the private sector (DTI 2007). In higher education support services the union density is estimated to be about 40% (Unison research). This exposes the importance of an on-going revitalisation strategy that focuses on consolidation in an already unionised environment to ensure that workplace unions are strong enough to counteract management actions.
If unions are to be successful in renewing themselves they need to recruit the ‘free riders’ in unionised workplaces of which there are approximately 3 million in the UK. According to Metcalf (2005) unionised workplaces should provide an ‘easier’ and cheaper context for renewal, as opposed to organising unorganised workplaces. In UNISON branch membership targets for recruitment are determined centrally by the union.
Methods, Data and Findings
The subjects of this research were two UNISON branches at universities (Uniwest and Unispa). The focus was on rank and file members and non-members. The data comprised 247 survey responses from higher education support workers and four interviews with union stewards and lay officers. The data was analysed using three themes considered important to deep and successful organising. These were the extent to which workers participated in union activities, the extent to which they identified with their union and finally how effective they considered their union to be.
The findings indicated that the density in the two workplaces was 40% (Uniwest) and 20% (Unispa). This showed the lack of penetration of the organising model even in a union friendly setting through the processes of union branch mapping and union building, key components of the model (Bronfenbrenner et al 1998). There was patchy commitment to organising from stewards due to an overload of servicing tasks confirming other findings (Simms and Holgate 2008). For non-members, the research found that previous poor experience of union membership was a key reason for not joining alongside ‘not seeing themselves as a union person’. Cost was also an issue particularly for part time workers. Full participation from union members was moderate at between 15 % and 20%. Just over 50% of respondents identified with their union only at the workplace. There was strong endorsement for the effectiveness of the union at work with between 70% and 80% of respondents feeling that their workplace was better off with a union but approximately 20% who felt the union made little difference.
As organising is the dominant renewal model being pursued by most UK unions, it needs to be successful. The research produced mixed findings concerning the depth of success of the organising strategy at these workplaces supporting other findings (Gall 2006; Kelly and Badigannavar 2004)
In unionised workplaces where density is low, the starting point for renewal is gaining members but in this context it was difficult to deepen and sustain union participation and workplace activity. The centrally imposed recruitment targets were met but were not considered by stewards to be a priority as they were set too low and were therefore easily achievable.
The majority of members joined for ‘protection at work’ but did not tend to get more involved as might h
|Public sector, Union Organising, Worker focus||0||0|| || ||accepted|| ||0||26/06/2019 01:32:06||26/06/2019 01:32:06|| || || ||2009|| || || || ||Abstract
|6502||56||Abstract|| ||0|| ||Retendering and the Voluntary sector - Implications for terms and conditions and workforce attitudes|
The past twenty years has seen voluntary organizations take on the provision of delivering public services as the state has outsourced social services to the third sector (Kendall, 2003). Analysis of the employment implications of such outsourcing has revealed how work is deskilled and ‘leaned out’ leading to suffering deterioration in their terms and conditions of employment and becoming ‘burned out’ (Baines, 2004). Such conditions have been seen to apply even in countries such as the UK where successive governments have espoused a ‘partnership’ relationship with the third sector (Cunningham, 2008).
One aspect of this dynamic which has not fully explored is the employee responses to outsourcing if this leads to and a transfer of employment to another agency, whether from public/private to voluntary or (or visa versa) voluntary to voluntary. More specifically, there have been relatively few studies that have explored the implications on employee morale and commitment from such transfers (Hebson, et al, 2003: Marchington, et al 2005). Such transfers are protected under EU law by the Transfer of Undertakings Regulations, but these are seen to have limited protection (Colling, 2000).
It is the purpose of this paper to explore the above themes using the Scottish voluntary sector as its focus. This is particularly pertinent to the UK/EU Scottish non-profit sector as the EU’s Public Contracts Regulations 2006 (Public Contracts (Scotland) Regulations, 2006 Directive 2004/18/EC has led to an intensification of retendering and outsourcing in the social care arena, where representative bodies have identified significant numbers of transfers of projects and staff as a consequence of these exercises (CCPS, 2008).
This paper will be of interest to international audiences interested in the dynamics of inter-organizational relations and their impact on employment, worker orientations and commitment at work in networked forms, and those studying the employment implications of outsourcing to the third sector across the EU and beyond. The data from the paper is drawn from three qualitative case studies, that includes interviews with senior managers responsible for negotiating retenders, personnel specialists and front line staff.
| ||0||0|| || ||accepted|| ||0||26/06/2019 01:32:06||26/06/2019 01:32:06|| || || ||2009|| || || || ||Abstract
|6503||56||Abstract|| ||0|| ||Resistance as Emotional Labour:The Australian and Canadian Nonprofit Social Services|
Numerous studies highlight the importance of agency mission to those employed in the nonprofit (voluntary) sector (Cunningham, 2008, Kosny and Eakin, 2008; Nickson et al., 2008; Brock and Banting, 2001; Weisbrod, 1998); however few have explored the ways that missions are incorporated into the micro dynamics of everyday workplace practices, particularly under New Public Management and similar performance oriented managerial models. Drawing on data collected as part of a larger ethnographic study of the experience of restructuring in the nonprofit social services in Canada and Australia, this article will explore a particular kind of labour, known as emotional labour (Maconachie, 2005; Bolton, 2000; Hochschild, 1983), and the ways in which emotional labour saturates the identities of the predominantly female work force in the nonprofit social services, and the resistance strategies they have developed in response to decreased worker autonomy and increased management control of the labour process.
A clear dynamic can be seen to exist between workers’ capacity to work in tandem with mission and social justice values, and the limits imposed by promarket New Public Management labour processes committed to efficiency and cost saving. Indeed, the emotional labour involved in managing value and emotional dissonance is increasingly problematic as sector-wide restructuring has transferred increased levels of control from workers to management. Some nonprofit social service workers have contested this transfer and found a number of ways to retain values-based ways of working as well as new more emotionally satisfying ways of working with clients and communities (Aronson and Sammon, 2000; Lundy, 2004; Carniol, 2005; Smith, 2007). These practices included: advocating for clients even when told not to; encouraging clients to advocate for themselves even when it involved risk to the worker; bending rules and looking for other ways to get clients all they are entitled to and more; taking on many hours of unpaid, volunteer work in their own agencies and others; organizing service user groups; building coalitions; providing new and innovative services for free; and using their unions as vehicles for social justice (Baines, 2008).
This paper will argue that resistance is a complex form of emotional labour and deep satisfaction for workers in the nonprofit social services, in which workers consciously exploit their own labour in pursuit of values and mission. Through these seemingly contradictory processes workers carve out spaces in which they can develop helpful relationships with clients and each other, challenge larger social inequities and defy a larger uncaring world. Expanding on the notion of emotional labour as a open-ended gift from provider to service user, this paper shows that nonprofit sector workers envision ‘gifts’ as a form of struggle and social connectedness. The paper suggests that a model of ‘gift-solidarity’ more accurately reflects the reciprocity of this relationship and its grounding in the idealized egalitarian nature of the sector.
| ||0||0||Paper|| ||accepted|| ||0||26/06/2019 01:32:06||26/06/2019 01:32:06|| || || ||2009|| || || || ||Abstract
|6504||56||Abstract|| ||0|| ||The individualization of employment relationship|
A process of individualization of employment relations has developed, albeit at variable speeds, in most European Economies. Within this process the emergence of a competence based approach to skill has had an important role.
This paper seeks to examine the contribution a competence based approach to management has made to the individualization of employment relations and the extent to which the social partners have developed new strategies in skills and associated areas. The focus will include both bargaining strategies and institutional involvement.
On the other hand, this paper considers that skill is a socially constructed phenomenon that it is regulated by a particular kind of contractual relationship. According to this, skill is considered as a central element of the human resource management policies. Nowadays the changing meaning of skill has to do with the transformations of workforce uses, that is, the management of careers, wages and control forms over work. This paper analyses these “dynamic” dimensions and explores the convergent or divergent trends on the subject of human resource management practices in Europe: Can we talk about an increasing process of “individualization” of the employment relation? Which is the position of the different social agents in relation to this process? These are some of the questions that lay on the analysis of the changing nature of skills in Europe.
This paper presents an empirical analysis based on a comparative ethnographic-type case study, undertaken in the automotive sector and in the public health sector in Spain. It presents different research techniques such as documentary and data analysis, ethnographic observation, and exploratory interviews. This analysis has allowed me to obtain and analyze the institutional framework of the employment relationship in Spain and also the specific trends of the transformations of workforce uses.
This paper explores the nature of skill in Europe, and especially in Spain, and highlights the way that definitions have changed and are changing, and the consequences for how that skill is formed. This analysis enlightens the different social challenges that the notion of competency introduces in the training and employment policies.
Whilst it can be said that ‘union organising’ has achieved particular successes at the micro-level of this or that organsing or recognition campaign, the critical question to ask is whether it can help regenerate the overall strength and vitality of the labour movement. Asking such a question is important because any particular success will be built on foundations of sand if there is not a general and widespread regeneration, and because the aggregation of particular successes is the manifest way forward to creating such regeneration. Whether one posits that the scale of the task for union organising is to return the union movements to their former strength and vitality of the 1970s (notwithstanding their weaknesses and limitations then) or some lesser objective like a return to the strength of the late 1980s, the scale of the task is clearly huge. The key indicators for strength and vitality are number of union members bound together in assertive workplace unionism with extra-workplace linkages to coordinate these unionisms together. As a way of fleshing out the critical question of whether union organising has the potential to do this, the following questions need be asked:
· The practice of union organising has been a managerial, centralized and controlled top-down response. Whilst there are arguments for why this was necessary and a necessity, what implications does this have for the regeneration of workplace and grassroots unionism given that healthy workplace and grassroots union forms are more akin to social movements (compared to the bureaucracy of union organisation)?
· Related to the preceding, does organising as recently practiced present an inherent conflict between short-term and long-term health of unionism? Does, as Kochan suggested nearly thirty years ago, a top-down organising approach yield near-term gains but fail to establish and perhaps even undermine the member commitment to unionism and activism that are needed for long-term viability?
How does pay determination in the voluntary sector differ from the public and private sectors? Are workers in the voluntary sector paid more or less than their colleagues in the private or public sectors? The “warm glow” theory of motivated agents predicts that workers in the voluntary sector will make “donations” to their employer in the form of lower wages or additional unpaid hours.
This paper uses data on workers and organisations in the private, public and voluntary sectors to explore the effects on wages of both individual workers’ characteristics and organisational features. In the UK the voluntary sector makes up about 2% of the UK workforce, with 60% of these workers employed in the health and social work industries. Both the voluntary sector and the health and social care industries share the fact that there is a high proportion of female workers participating in the workforce. We examine wage differences for female and male workers separately in order to explore these effects.
First, we estimate three-sector wage equations using data from ten years of the UK Labour Force Survey (LFS) to examine wage differences between the sectors both in the workforce as a whole and in the health and social work industries. In the wider economy we find evidence of a voluntary sector wage discount for male workers, but no significant difference for female workers. In the health and social work industries we find significant voluntary sector wage premiums for both female and male workers, in seeming contradiction to the “warm glow” theory of nonprofit wage-setting. We also find that female workers in the voluntary sector work significantly more hours of unpaid overtime then their colleagues in other sectors. However, even after controlling for the possibility that workers in the voluntary sector were “donating” additional hours of unpaid overtime, the finding of wage premiums is robust.
Although the economy-wide analysis lends support to a warm glow explanation of wages, at least for male workers, the finding of wage premiums for both male and female workers in the industries where most of the voluntary sector workforce is employed challenges this explanation. How do voluntary organisations in health and social work differ from those outside, and how does this explain the different sector wage premiums?
If workers are to get a warm glow from their voluntary sector job, then we should expect to find that these workers gain satisfaction from their jobs, feel loyal to their employer, and share the mission and goals of the organisation. We use a linked employer-employee dataset to investigate this theory empirically. We examine the differences in workplace norms between the sectors, using a range of attitudinal questions asked to both workers and management in private, public and voluntary organisations. We examine the differences between the three sectors, and between organisations in health and social work industries versus other industries. We find that higher levels of job satisfaction, trust, loyalty and other characteristics are found amongst workers in the voluntary sector in the wider economy, supporting the warm glow explanation of the wage discount. However, for workers in health & social work industries there are no significant sector differences found on these characteristics, and even some suggestion that levels might be lower in the voluntary sector. In particular, relations between management and employees seem to be rated as worse in the voluntary sector than the private in the health and social work industries.
This paper argues that the warm glow theory of motivation in the voluntary sector seems to apply well to voluntary organisations in the wider economy. When examining voluntary organisations in health and social work, however,
| ||0||0||Paper|| ||accepted|| ||0||26/06/2019 01:32:06||26/06/2019 01:32:06|| || || ||2009|| || || || ||Abstract
|6507||56||Abstract|| ||0|| ||Women trade union leaders in Barbados: Exploring the local within the global|
Women trade union leaders in Barbados:
Exploring the local within the global
Whilst in the present era of globalisation and increased global communications, the women and trade unions literature is replete with studies based in North America, Australia and Europe, the Caribbean region remains largely invisible (certainly to the European industrial relations community). This paper aims to examine the nature of women’s leadership in trade unions in Barbados and the way women trade union leaders impact on union policy. Further it will seek to understand the relevance of the literature on women and trade unions to the Barbadian context. The paper reports on preliminary findings of a qualitative study of women trade union leaders in Barbados. It is based on interviews with key respondents in the two dominant general trade unions in Barbados – the Barbados Workers Union and the National Union of Public Employees – and also in one smaller teachers’ union – the Barbados Secondary School Teachers Union. The paper also examines various texts produced by the unions, including policy statements, web-based material and union magazines.
The Barbados research lends support to the claims of organisations such as the ILO and ICFTU (see http://www.ilo.org and http://www.icftu.org) which indicate that there is a global gender agenda for and within trade unions. It also reveals similar discourses on women’s union leadership and similar gendered practices to those found in trade unions in other parts of the globe. However, the paper also seeks to tease out the local from the global.
The backdrop for our discussion is the vast changes that have occurred in the position of women around the globe in the last 50 years, particularly their increased participation in the labour market and in public and political life. Of all people employed in the world 40% are women. In the Latin American and Caribbean
|Trade union leadership, gender equality, union organising||0||0|| || ||accepted|| ||0||26/06/2019 01:32:06||26/06/2019 01:32:06|| || || ||2009|| || || || ||Abstract
|6508||56||Abstract|| ||0|| ||Financial accessibility in the informal retail sector: A study of street vendors in Mumbai|
In the era of globalisation, the retail sector is the fast growing emerging sector after agriculture in India in terms of employment generation. This sector contributes about 10 percent of India’s GDP (Gaiha and Thapa, 2007). Moreover, India’s recent economic growth has been impressive which has also attracted the world’s attention towards Indian economy and it is estimated that India has highest retail density in the World (Ghosh and et. al., 2007; Gaiha and Thapa, 2007). Besides the formal retail sector, small retail sector such as loca