There has been much debate about ‘precarious’ work, often centring around themes such as: What is precarious work? Has it increased over time? Who is at risk, and is there a ‘precariat’? Where is it more prevalent - in which countries or sectors? And, why does precarious work still exist? (see, for example, Kalleberg, 2009; Standing, 2011). Simplistic answers tend to emphasise employer needs for a disposable and replaceable (i.e. flexible) workforce, and governments influenced by a neoliberal logic of the predominance of the market, leading to deregulation and reduced social protection. Such trends are reportedly exacerbated in emerging economies where, exposed to competition from abroad, there is a ‘race to the bottom’. However, less is known about how employer federations in emerging economies may ameliorate these trends by seeking to promote good practice (c.f. CIPD, 2016), how interconnections between firms and suppliers may affect HR practices (Newsome, et al, 2015), and the attitudes and actions of those responsible for employees within the workplace. This paper contributes toward gaps in knowledge regarding which aspects of work are precarious, why precarious work still exists, and how decent work might be advanced, illustrated by case study research in the textiles sector in South Africa and Brazil.
Precarious and decent work
In very simple terms, precarity can mean (risks to) job loss, or threats to livelihoods through low pay or inadequate health and safety. Essentially, vulnerable employees can be described as ‘walking a tightrope’. Conversely, precarity can be counterposed against ‘decent’ work, defined as,
“opportunities for work that is productive and delivers a fair income, security in the workplace and social protection for families, better prospects for personal development and social integration, freedom for people to express their concerns, organize and participate in the decisions that affect their lives and equality of opportunity and treatment for all women and men” (ILO, 2016).
Attempts have been made to operationalise these elements of ‘decent work’ (Anker et al, 2003), and to evaluate whether they are evident in practice (see, for example, Auer, 2006). At the macro level, ‘decent’ work is arguably achievable, even within more dynamic labour markets characterised by ‘flexicurity’ (Boyer, 2006), but dependent on the existence of social protections (see Heyes, 2011) and an underpinning social dialogue (Auer, 2007). Within the firm, ‘decent’ work might be promoted through, for example: ‘motivating’ senior managers through national legislation and company codes of conduct; ensuring an awareness of the costs and benefits of HR practices in use; monitoring and sharing of best practice through the supply chain; or active interventions from trade unions and employer federations.
Methods, initial findings, and potential contributions
The paper draws on ESRC funded (Grant ref. ES/K006452/1) case study research within textiles firms in South Africa and Brazil to address ‘which’ forms of decent work/ precarity exist, by evaluating performance across a range of HR practices within organisations, and to consider ‘why’ decent work/ precarity exists and ‘how’ decent work can be advanced through examining: motivations for good HR practices; the extent to which HR costs were measured; the sharing and monitoring of HR practices down supply chains; and the activities of employer federations, NGOs and trade unions. Data was drawn from: interviews with senior managers in accounting, supply chain management and HR within a medium sized textiles company and its supply chain in each of South Africa and Brazil; case study research within a purposive sample of medium and small textile enterprises in both countries; and interviews with regional trade unionists and employer federations. Analysis of the findings has begun, using NVivo for open coding and axial coding and constant comparative analysis (Glaser and Strauss, 1967). Initial findings reveal examples of ‘decent’ work, but also insecurity in terms of job tenure, employment conditions and health and safety, and a lack of unionisation and worker voice; in rural areas, there was a tendency toward informality. Precarity was accompanied by limited awareness of HR costs and sharing of good practices down supply chains and restricted influence of external bodies such as trade unions. The paper will potentially enable a more developed understanding of precarious work in emerging economies and a more nuanced conceptualisation of precarity - with implications for future policy.
References
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